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Showing posts with label Book. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Book. Show all posts

Thursday, October 19, 2023

The New Testament in the Original Greek: Introduction, Appendix: Book Review — Part II

B.F. Westcott and F.J.A. Hort. The New Testament in the Original Greek: Introduction, Appendix. Cambridge and London: Macmillan and Co., 1882, pp. xxxi + 324 +173.

Review of pp. 163–324 [Part II]

Pp. 1-162 deals with the necessity, methods, and application of textual criticism. The following pages 163-324 deal with the application of the principles of textual criticism and the nature and details of this edition [Volume I & II]. Page 163 begins with section V of chapter 2 of Part III with the title “Identification and estimation of readings as belonging to the chief ancient texts.” Genealogical evidence method is widely considered for the determination of the readings (p. 162.) Pre-Syrian readings are identified, and Syrian readings are rejected. Hort wrote “Readings having only characteristic Western and characteristic Syrian attestation must have belonged to the Western text: readings having only characteristic Alexandrian and characteristic Syrian attestation must have belonged to the Alexandrian text” (p. 167). Pre-Syrian readings which are neither Western nor Alexandrian are considered “Neutral” (p. 170). Hort commented that B is more neutral than other documents (p. 171). Omission of words in Alexandrian and Syrian are rare but not in the Western text (p. 175). Section VI is the review of previous criticisms with reference to the ancient texts. Textual Criticism gained momentum in 1707 with Mill’s collection of documentary evidence (p. 181), followed by the work of Bentley and Bengel. Griesbach further developed historical criticism in contrast with Hug’s theory of recensions (p. 182). However, Hort said that Griesbach was confused between the classification of ancient texts and the classification of documents derived from them (p. 183).

Chapter 3, Result of Internal Evidence of Groups and Documents (pp. 187–271), has two sections. The first section deals generally, and the second section deals specifically (B and א). The homogeneousness of the fundamental texts of all important groups may be safely trusted (p. 189). On page 191, Hort said that the Syrian text as a whole must be condemned. According to Hort, אBCDL 33 in the Gospels, אABCDE, I3 6I in Acts, אABC I3 in the Catholic Epistles, and אABCD8G8 I7 in the Pauline Epistle are uncontestably the primary documents (p. 192). Hort contended that the Versions are excluded from the primary category even if they were non-Western and pre-Syrian for they cannot outweigh “trustworthy attestation” (p. 198). The authors observed that one of the most common forms of paraphrase in the Versions is the change of word order (p. 200). Hort also considered patristic sources to be doubtful of their accuracy; and when they are accurate, he said it is nothing more than an accidental coincidence (p. 203-4).

Section 2 deals specifically with reference to B and א (p. 207–271). Westcott and Hort considered these documents to be more trustworthy (paragraph 285). Comparison of manuscripts against these documents must either be Alexandrian or Western and cannot be mixed of both to be trustworthy (p. 208). They reported their findings on page 210: “Every group containing both א and Β is found, where Internal Evidence is tolerably unambiguous, to have an apparently more original text than every opposed group containing neither; and every group containing B, with the exception of such Western groups as include Β in the Pauline Epistles, is found in a large preponderance of cases, though by no means universally, to have an apparently more original text than every opposed group containing א.”

They also compared B to א to seek its independent nature, and they stand alone in numerous readings (p. 213). They presumed that the scribe of B was a corrector of א (p. 214), but remarkable differences were observed in their divisions into sections and other externals. They also adopted the strategy to exclude any manuscript which has no other attestation (p. 216). They proposed that the readings of א B should be accepted until strong internal evidence is against its readings, and if it has no support from Versions or Fathers, it cannot be rejected absolutely but must be on an alternative footing (p. 225); examples are listed on paragraph 304. Regarding the reliability of scribes, Hort wrote that no scribe can make the text better than he found it, and his best is to not make it worse (p. 232). He also suggested that the manuscript which is closer to the original will have more omissions than the Textus Receptus (p. 235).

Westcott and Hort argued that that B preserved a very pure line of a very ancient text, and that there is a greater integrity of text in B than in א (p. 251), however, the book of Revelation is missing in B. Hort admitted that it is “by no means sure” but they are convinced that “such relative insecurity” are removed through examination of the genealogical relations of the documents (p. 262). The most reliable documents for the Book of Revelation are A and C (p. 272). Regarding the birthplace of א and B, Westcott and Hort suggested that it must be in the West (p. 266), probably at Rome; ancestors of B were wholly Western, and ancestors of א were Alexandrian in a geographical sense (p. 267).  On pages 270–1, Hort discussed briefly the nature of scribes and correctors with reference to א and B.

Chapter 4 attempts to present the transmitted text as trustworthy copies of the original text (pp. 271–287). Variations of text must have existed in the early centuries and were forgotten through eclectic texts (p. 274). Regarding the immunity of the New Testament, Hort wrote, “If among the very ancient evidence now extant, collected from various quarters, so little can be found that approves itself as true in opposition both to Β and א, there is good reason at the outset to doubt whether any better readings have perished with the multitudes of documents that have been lost” (p. 277–8). Hort believed one does not need to lose confidence just because there were some instances of tampering with the text by dogmatic theologians like Tatian (p. 283).

Part IV is about the nature and details of this edition [Volume I & II] (pp. 288–324). The aim of this edition is “to obtain the closest approximation to the apostolic text itself” (p. 288). Hort assured that the “text” was based on “direct ancient authority of the highest kind” (p.290); when they weren’t certain, alternate readings were supplied. Precedence of documentary authority over internal evidence was employed. Notations were used to express probabilities of variant readings, and they hope that future textual criticism will reduce them to very few. Different markings like , [[ ]], [ ], etc. were employed in this edition [Volume I & II]. Hort also admitted that a considerable number of readings that deserved to be mentioned are excluded because of no sufficient claim (p. 298) but are catalogued in the Appendix.

Hort devoted a section on orthography expressing the importance of it, and attempting to present the spelling as nearly as to the autographs by means of documentary evidence (p. 303). To Hort, “orthography deals with elements of text transmitted uninterruptedly, with more or less of purity, from the autographs to the extant MSS” (p. 311). Careful attention was given to breathing, accents, and other accessories of printing (pp. 311–318). The last section of this book concludes with a discussion on Punctuation—Division of Text, and Titles of Books—and Acknowledgement (pp. 318–324).

The strength of this book lies in the detailed explanation of their methods of textual criticism with some examples. The book is properly outlined, and each paragraph is numbered making the reading easy to trace. There is even a change in font size when certain paragraph deals with specific issues. I wish some of the paragraphs were shorter. And I get lost in some of his continuous descriptions; it would have been better if they had included some more examples or illustrations of what they are writing about.  I am quite aware this was their first edition of (Volume II), perhaps, subsequent editions were much better and easier to read and comprehend.

Westcott Hort considered א and B to be the most reliable Manuscripts of the New Testament. Even among the two, they prefer א though the book of Revelation is missing. They appealed to manuscripts that are Pre-Syrian Non-Western Non-Alexandrian to be the reliable sources, calling “Neutral,” represented by א and B. They accused Textus Receptus of an eclectic text, however, their method of constructing the text is also eclectic. However, the way the book concluded with an attempt to make the readers feel confident of the retention of the original writings of the sacred writer is commendable (which Metzer and Ehrman failed to do in their book).

Tuesday, October 17, 2023

The New Testament in the Original Greek: Introduction, Appendix: Book Review — Part I

B.F. Westcott and F.J.A. Hort. The New Testament in the Original Greek: Introduction, Appendix. Cambridge and London: Macmillan and Co., 1882, pp. xxxi + 324 +173.

Review of pp. 1-163 [Part I]

This book has been in different editions and prints over the years. It was the second volume that appeared in 1882, after the publication of the first Volume in 1881 which contained the Text of the New Testament and shorter introduction. It was perhaps the most significant work of textual criticism in the New Testament at the time of its publication and has a lasting influence even at present. It was known for differing from the Majority Text, especially the Textus Receptus. Wescott and Hort were professors at Cambridge, and this work was a result of their 28 years of partnership. This edition (Volume II) has 324 pages of introduction and 173 pages of Appendix. It was prepared mainly by J.J.A. Hort (p. 18) in the last two to three years of their 28 years of partnership. This book has versification for each paragraph, having 425 verses or paragraphs in the section Introduction (pp. 1–324).

The Introduction has four parts: 1. The need for criticism of the text of the New Testament (pp. 4–18), 2. The methods of textual criticism (pp. 19–72), 3. Application of principles of criticism to the text of the New Testament (pp. 73–287), 4. Nature and details of this edition [Volume I & II] (pp. 288–324). The title of the book “… in the original Greek” must mean that the original language is in Greek and should not be confused with the supposition that what Westcott-Hort had come up with was the original Greek the sacred writers employed. This can be seen from the acknowledgment they made regarding the doubts they had for some variant readings (p. 2), however “attempt to determine the original words of the Apostles and writers of the New Testament” (p. 16) seems to indicate otherwise. Hort presented textual criticism as the detection and rejection of error (p. 3).

Part 1 discusses transmission by writing and printed edition, and the history of this edition [Volume I & II] (4–18). Manuscripts [handwritten] were destroyed by various means even through war and invasions (p.9). No uncial manuscripts earlier than the time of Constantine were discovered (p.11). Ximenes’s polyglot version of the Greek New Testament was printed in 1514, and Erasmus’s version in 1516 (p. 11). The second Elzevir edition of 1633 (p. 12) became widely known as “Received Text” (which by the way is 22 years later than the 1611 King James Version Bible). Lachmann in 1831 attempted to carry out the wishes of Bentley in advancing textual criticism which was further developed by his successors Tischendorf and Trigelles (p. 13). Westcott-Hort considered Textus Receptus unworthy of trust and since there were no critical editions available other than those of Lachmann and Tischendorf, they decided to come up with this edition [Volume I & II] (p. 16). They worked independently and discussed their results with “free and full criticism” if they happened to have disagreements (p.18). 

Part 2 has six sections on methods of textual criticism. 1. Internal Evidence of Reading, which is determined by Intrinsic probability and Transcriptional probability. In p.25, Wescott and Hort wrote that scribes were “moved by different impulses” “of a much greater variety,” and could be accounted for the variant readings. 2. Internal Evidence of Documents. One of the consistent principles to employ is “Knowledge of documents should precede final judgment upon readings” (p.31). [I need more reading regarding Internal Evidence of documents. How scholars identify what document is more reliable than others is still puzzling to me. Paragraph 40 discusses it to some extent.] 3. Genealogical Evidence. The principle involved here is that “all trustworthy restoration of corrupted texts is founded on the study of their history” (p. 40). In this section, the theory of common ancestor which was lost is taken into consideration (p. 54). 4. Internal Evidence of Groups. This comes between internal evidence of documents and genealogical evidence (p. 60). Here, Hort explained that internal evidence of a document concerns a single document, whereas its method is applicable to groups of documents (p. 60).

Section 5 is a recapitulation of the four methods in relation to each other. Here, Hort explained that the Genealogy method is similar to the method of internal evidence of documents. It involves three processes: analysis and comparison for a succession of individual variations, investigation of genealogical relation between the documents and their ancestors, and application of these relations to the interpretation of documentary evidence for each variation (p. 62). Paragraph 82 states the preference of methods in various cases. Genealogical evidence is of higher value (p. 64). Section 6 is criticism as dealing with errors antecedent to existing texts. On p. 67, Intrinsic evidence is presented as dealing with absolute originality, whereas all other kinds of evidence deal with relative originality. Paragraphs 93–95 are about Conjectural Emendation; however, the scholars did not believe in its worth in textual criticism of the New Testament (p. 72).

Part 3 has four chapters. Chapter 1 is a preliminary chronological survey of documents. The Greek manuscripts: Only 4 Uncials New Testament copies are extant of which only Codex Sinaiticus has the entire books of the New Testament (p. 75). Paragraphs 98–106 provide a helpful reference. While manuscripts of earlier centuries are not many, the manuscripts of the ninth and the tenth centuries are numerous (p. 76). About 30 Cursive manuscripts of New Testament copies between the ninth to sixteenth centuries are extant (p. 76). Cursive manuscripts are largely ignored by most people (p.77). Other versions include Latin, Syriac, and the Egyptians: Latin versions were in circulation by the beginning of the third century (p. 78). Syriac has three versions, the most popular being Peshito (p. 84); it must be as old as the Latin version. Egyptian versions are also known as the Coptic versions, they must not be later than the second century (p. 85). The third class of documents are the writings of the Fathers (pp. 87–89). Hort acknowledged the fresh evidence they have was from the writing of the Fathers (p. 89). 

Chapter 2 is titled “Results of genealogical evidence proper.”  It has six sections. Section 1 deals with the determination of genealogical relations of the chief ancient texts. Some principles include— the priority of variation over conflated reading and the posteriority of Syrian reading to Western, Neutral, and Alexandrian readings. Examples of conflated reading are given on pp. 94–95, 99–104. Three matters of evidence show the posteriority of Syrian readings: Conflated reading, ante-Nicene Patristic evidence, and internal evidence of Syrian readings. On p. 116, Horts suggested that the authors of Syrian text must have had the knowledge of three earlier forms of text, which are Western, Alexandrian, and Neutral. On p. 118, Syrian text is presented as “a modified eclectic combination of earlier text” whose authority lies only in itself.

Section 2 deals with the characteristics of the chief ancient texts: Western readings love paraphrasing (p. 122); Neutral Text is non-western and pre-Syrian, and is generally Alexandrian (p. 129); Alexandrian readings are not corrupt like Western readings, they were the work of careful scribes (p. 131); and Syrian text, which must be the result of ‘recension’ (p. 133), and is known for lucidity and completeness (p. 134). Section 3 gives the sketch of post-Nicene textual history; it is about the Syrian text. Two stages of Syrian text are proposed (p. 137); followed by a mixture in the fourth century (p. 139), perhaps made possible by circumstances under the persecution of Diocletian; eventually leading to the multiplicity of Syrian text (p. 141). Horts observed that the text recognized at Constantinople became the standard New Testament of the East (p. 143).

Section 4 deals with the relation of the principal extant document to the chief ancient texts (pp. 146–162). The extant documents are those found in Greek MSS, Versions, and Greek Fathers. This comparison gave “moral certainty” to assign the documents to various groups (p. 147). B is found to be pre-Syrian and unique (p. 150). Codex Sinaiticus is free from Western and Alexandrian corruption and is also pre-Syrian (p. 151). Other MSS aren’t as good as B and Sinaiticus (paragraph 206). A is mixed with Syrian text in the Gospels (p. 152). Versions (Latin, Syriac, Egyptians, Armenians) were found to have Syrian readings as well especially those of the fourth century or later (p. 159). Quotations found in the Fathers are variously blended and need further examination (p. 159).

Wescott and Hort have a deplorable view of Syrian Text in comparison to other types of text. Many times, the basis of rejection is weighed upon the presence or influence of Syrian text. They argued that Syrian text is relatively younger and therefore is farther from the original. Other reasons include the presence of conflations and the attempts to make the text more lucid than the original.

I am not sure how they date the manuscripts, but much of the arguments will only stand or fall if the dating of the manuscripts is correct. I wonder why scholars aren’t paying much attention to the cursive (minuscules) and the quotations of the Fathers.

Wednesday, October 04, 2023

The Text of the New Testament— Its Transmission, Corruption, and Restoration: Book Review — Part II

Bruce M. Metzger and Bart D. Ehrman. The Text of the New Testament: Its Transmission, Corruption, and Restoration. Fourth Edition. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005, pp. xvi +366.

Review of pp. 164–343 Part II

This book has three parts: Material for Textual Criticism (pp. 1–134); History of Textual Criticism (pp. 135–194); and Application of Textual Criticism (pp. 195–343). It has 9 chapters, and this review will cover the last 6 chapters (pp. 165–343). Chapter 3 deals with the precritical period of the history of New Testament Textual Criticism.

Chapter 4 is about the modern critical period ranging from Griesbach to the present (p. 137–194). Griesbach, a student of Semler developed 15 canons of textual criticism (p. 166-7). Johan Leonhard Hug (1765-1846) developed the theory of Western Text called a common edition (p. 169). Berlin Karl Lachmann (1793–1851) totally broke away totally from Textus Receptus, publishing the Greek New Testament, and without using minuscule manuscripts (p. 170); he also attracted a lot of criticism even from a liberal scholar. The authors estimated Tischendorf’s contribution to the field of Textual Criticism the most.

After him, came Trigelles, Henry Alford, Westcott, and Hort. Hort popularized the concept of “Internal Evidence of Readings” which is of two kinds: Intrinsic probability and Transcriptional probability (p. 175). Wescott and Hort distinguished four principal types of the text of the New Testament: Syrian, Western, Alexandrian, and Neutral. Western is known for paraphrasing (p. 178), Alexandrian for polished language, Neutral as the most free from corruption, and Syrian is farthest from original. Westcott and Hort rejected Textus Receptus totally (p. 181) drawing criticism from many other scholars and clergies.

Next, Weiss detected five types of error in the variant readings: harmonization, interchange, omissions and additions, alteration of order, and orthographical variation (p. 184).  Von Soden came up with his classification of text into three groups: Koine, Hesychian, and Jerusalem recension. Then, Metzer and Ehrman write briefly about the editions of Nestle-Aland and UBS versions of the Greek New Testament.

Chapter 5 is about the origin of textual criticism as a scholarly discipline (p. 197–204). Textual criticism originated with the Greeks before the time of the New Testament (p. 197). Origen suggested that all the manuscripts existing may have become corrupt (p. 201). Geneva Bible of 1560 became the first English Bible to have variant readings (p. 203). Francis Lucas is identified as the first scholar to use the three important witnesses for the text of the New Testament (p. 204). Richard Simon’s four publications regarding textual criticism ushered in a new level in its field (p. 204).

Chapter 6 is about the modern methods of textual criticism (p. 205–249). Recension and Emendation methods are practiced. Joseph Bedier developed his method rejecting the genealogical method (p. 210). Clark developed the theory of accidental scribal omission by challenging the classical view: “shorter reading of two is probably original” (p. 212). By the end of the twentieth century Byzantine Text regained popularity again through the scholarship of Robinson, Pierpoint, Farstad, and Zane Hodges (p. 218).

Other methods of textual criticism include Thoroughgoing Eclecticism, and         Conjectural Emendation. The authors noted the observation of Schmiedel that Trigelles, Tischendorf, and Weiss contained only one conjecture each, while the 24th edition of Nestle’s Greek New Testament had 200 conjectures (p. 230). Colwell and Parvis employed the method of multiple reading for the classification and identification of text family (p. 233). Three other methods have been developed by the scholars: Claremont Profile Method, Testellen, and Comprehensive Profile Method. The use of computers has taken textual criticism to another level since the 1950s (p. 240), especially in the areas of Collection of Data, Presentation of Data, Statistical Analyses, and Hypertext Possibilities. Then the authors mention the ongoing project taken up by INTF and IGNTP towards furher scholarship.

Chapter 7 is about the cause of error in the transmission (p. 250–271). Metzer and Ehrman present two types of errors: unintentional and intentional errors. Unintentional Changes include those that arise from eyesight, hearing, mind, and judgment. Intentional Changes involve grammar, spelling, harmonization, addition, conflation, doctrinal, and omission. They document how scribes were led to error by faulty eyesight on p. 251-4. The similar sounds of first- and second-person plural pronouns in Greek would be sometimes confused (p.255). In p. 260 n13, the complaint of Jerome concerning scribal intentional errors is recorded. An account of Bishop Spyridon’s zeal for textual accuracy is recorded in p. 261. Several more examples are documented for each type of unintentional change and intentional change.

Chapter 8 is about the history of transmission (p. 271–299). This chapter contains fewer facts and documentation than the previous chapters. Four sections under this chapter are—complications in establishing the original text, the dissemination of early Christian literature, the rise and development of text types, and the use of textual data for the social history of early Christianity. The author(s) present the history of transmission to be difficult to ascertain because of the existing theories concerning the original autograph of each book of the New Testament: oral, dictation, collection, etc. (p. 272-4). A few other topics in this chapter under the section on social history are—Doctrinal disputations, Jewish-Christian relations, Oppression of women, Christian apologia, Christian asceticism, and Magic and Fortune-telling. In p. 282, the book claims that the early churches had competing views, and the victorious orthodoxy rewrote the history of the church.

Chapter 9 is about the practice of New Testament Textual Criticism (p. 300–343). The basic criterion for evaluating the variant reading is to “choose the reading that best explains the origin of the others” (p. 300). External Evidence (date, geography, genealogy of the witnesses) and Internal Evidence (Transcriptional probability and Intrinsic probability) are employed to determine the original reading (p. 302-4). Priority of the Gospel of Mark is noted under intrinsic probability (p. 304). Three groups of Witnesses are discussed briefly—Koine or Byzantine, Western, and Alexandrian (p. 306-313). Western text is considered by some scholars to have been the result of retranslation from Latin or Syriac into Greek (p. 309).

Helpful demonstrations of Textual analysis of some selected passages (Acts 6:8; John 7:37-9; 1 Thess. 2:7; Mark 14:25; Acts 20:28; Col. 2:2; Luke 20:1; 1 Thess. 3:2; Acts 12:25; Luke 10:1, 17, last 12 verse of Mark, and many more) are given at the end of the book from page 316 to 343. The book concludes with the practical fact that there is no mechanical way for a textual critic to follow based on one manuscript or family of manuscripts. Textual critics must acknowledge not only what can be ascertained but also what “cannot be known” (p. 343).

The authors consider rejection of Textus Receptus as a victorious thing with negative descriptions like “overthrow” (pp. 170, 232) “debased form of Greek” (p.149) “abandoned” (p. 156) “supplant” (p. 157) “departed” (pp. 162, 190) “deserted” (p. 163) reject (p. 171) “was most successful in drawing . . . away” (p. 173). The strength of this section (chapters 4-9) lies in the several examples of textual analysis given in the last chapter, and the documentation of various scribal errors in chapter 7. The weakness of this book is the inadequate discussion of the modern method of textual criticism in chapter 6. Claremont Profile Method and Comprehensive Profile Method deserve to be treated much longer than how they have been presented in this book. Also, chapter 8 looks more subjective and speculative than any chapter of this book.

Monday, October 02, 2023

The Text of the New Testament— Its Transmission, Corruption, and Restoration: Book Review — Part I

Bruce M. Metzger and Bart D. Ehrman. The Text of the New Testament: Its Transmission, Corruption, and Restoration. Fourth Edition. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005, pp. xvi +366.

Review of pp. 3–164: Part I

          The first 3 editions of this book appeared in 1964, 1968, 1992 (p. iv) and were authored by Bruce M. Metzer of Princeton Theological Seminary, one of the leading Textual Criticism scholars of his time. This is the fourth edition co-authored by Bart D. Ehrman, a mentee of Bruce Metzer, to add “more important bibliographical items along with expanded information” concerning the art and science of Textual Criticism of the New Testament (pp. xiii, xv). For the last 41 years then, and 59 years now, this book has been a standard textbook of introduction to Textual Criticism of the New Testament.

In the preface, Metzer wrote that Textual Criticism is necessary because the autographs of the New Testament are non-extant and the copies available to us have variations (p. xv). He also acknowledged that the theories and practices of evaluating textual evidence varied over the years, thus, producing this book under three parts: Material for Textual Criticism (pp. 1–134); History of Textual Criticism (pp. 135–194); and Application of Textual Criticism (pp. 195–343). (Pp. 345-9 contains the bibliography). It has 9 chapters, and this review will cover the first 3 chapters (pp. 1-164) without any reference or comparison to the previous editions.

Chapter 1 is about the Making of Ancients Books (pp. 1–51). A brief description of how papyrus, parchment, and ink are gathered to make the New Testament scroll with illustrations is documented. The common size of the papyrus sheet was 15 by 9 inches, which is slightly bigger than A4 size paper (p. 7). The scroll is about 35 feet long, and books like the Gospel of Luke and Acts must be issued separately as each would take up around 31-32 feet of papyrus roll (p. 12). Scrolls would be usually written only on one (smooth) side but sometimes on both sides too. The book form “codex” became popular by the second century, especially among the Christians (p. 13), however, Codex Vaticanus and Codex Sinaiticus are made up of parchment, not papyrus (p. 15).

Manuscripts were written in majuscules and minuscules, but minuscules became more convenient and outnumbered the majuscule manuscripts by more than ten to one (p. 21). Sometimes, parchments were re-scraped and reused called palimpsest (p. 21), unfortunately, biblical parchments were also found to be used for other purpose (p.  22). Scriptures were written without spaces between the words, but it was not difficult for the native readers especially when they read out aloud as they normally were (p. 23). Scribes also employed a system of contraction for some frequently occurring words like Jesus, God, Christ, etc. Randel Harris estimated that it could cost 30,000 denarii to produce a Bible, which only millionaires of our times can afford (p. 26).

Metzer (or Ehrman?) described the practice of production to be lenient by the fourth century that a group of both Christians and non-Christians were employed—perhaps, 6 hours a day for several months (p. 29)— to write a copy while somebody read out aloud making more opportunity for wrong words to be written (p. 25). However, in the proceeding sections, on p. 30, the strict requirement of monks to write accurately is documented. Some irrelevant remarks in the Irish language were observed in ninth-century Latin manuscripts (p. 32) perhaps by the scribes according to the author(s).

Over the years, the scribes or theologians had developed “Help for readers,” in the form of sections, divisions, or chapters as seen in Codex Vaticanus, the earliest one (p. 34). Archbishop Andrew of the sixth century observed 72 chapters in the book of Revelation. Eusebius attempted to harmonize the Gospel by locating a parallel passage after making several divisions in each book, which is helpful even for the present time (p. 39). Some manuscripts have images, illustrations, and portraits. The author(s) documented the adaptation of punctuation, cola and commata, neumes, and lectionary equipment in the paragraphs later. This chapter is concluded by a section on Statistics of Greek Manuscripts of the New Testament (p. 47 onwards): 310 majuscules and 2877 minuscules; 2432 lectionaries; including 6 portions of New Testament on broken pieces of pottery; and 116 papyri, a total of 5735 (p. 50).

Chapter 2 is about the three Important Witnesses to the text of the New Testament (pp. 52–134): Greek manuscripts, ancient translations into another language, and quotations from church fathers. p67 shows that text division was done even by the time of the second century (p. 53).  p52 proves the existence of the Gospel of John long before the fourth century contrary to the claims of some critics (p. 56). Some important manuscript like p75 has many lacunae and is in poor preservation (p. 58), However, Codex Sinaiticus has the entire New Testament in it in a majuscule manuscript (p. 62).

Metzer and Ehrman also noted the textual variations of some words in the manuscripts like the 666 of Revelation that p115 has it as 616 (p.61). Codex Bezae has so many “remarkable variations”; one of them is the addition of “twenty men could scarcely roll” the stone before the tomb of Jesus in Luke 23:25 (p. 71). Acts is also one-tenth longer in it. Some bilingual manuscripts (of Greek and Latin) like Dp underwent correction (around 9 correctors) (p. 73). MS. 61 has “the three heavenly witnesses” of 1Jn.5:7-8 (p. 88).

Augustine and Jerome complained that some people were quick to translate the Greek manuscript into Latin (p. 95 n76, p. 101). There are five different Syriac versions: Old Syriac, Peshitta, Philoxenia/ Harclean, Palestinian Syriac. A brief account of other versions of New Testament manuscripts such as the Coptic, Gothic, Armenian, Georgian, Ethiopic, Old Slavonic, and other less-known various versions are also noted. Most of the Gothic manuscripts are palimpsest (p. 115). Armenian Version has more manuscripts than any other early version except for the Latin Vulgate (p. 117). Metzer observed that at least 30 Ethiopic manuscripts have the longer ending of Gospel Mark (p. 120). Nubians had their Bible version but later, embraced Islam (p. 123).

Regarding the importance of patristic quotations, they suggested that when manuscripts differ, the one that differs from the Vulgate or the Byzantine text must be more original (p. 127). In footnote 123 (p. 127), the importance of memorizing scriptures in the early churches is noted. The authors expressed the lack of studies in the patristic sources by the scholars over the years (p. 130)

Chapter 3 is about the Precritical period: the origin and dominance of Textus Receptus (pp. 137–164). Numbers of copies of the Vulgate were printed before the printing of the first polyglot Greek New Testament in 1514 though Greek Grammars were in print since 1476 (p. 137, p. 138 n2). Erasmus’ version was hastily readied by 1516 drawing the criticism of Scrivener, “most faulty book” (p. 143). His second edition was used by Luther for German translation (p. 145). The authors briefly discussed the issue of Comma Johanneum associating with Erasmus till the present time. Stephanus’ fourth edition of 1551 became the first Greek Text that had numbered verse, while the third edition had become the standard text for several years (p. 150).

Edward Wells is recognized as the first person to abandon Textus Receptus in publishing the Greek Text between 1709-19 (p. 155). John Owen is presented as an opponent of Textual Criticism in pp. 153 n38 and 154. Bengel, Wettstein, and Semler developed further the art and science of Textual Criticism (p. 161).

The strength of this book lies in the fact that it has been the standard textbook for textual criticism of the New Testament for decades, also authored by none other than Bruce Metzer, however, this edition being co-authored by Barth Ehrman, a skeptic and critic of Christianity makes one suspicious. This book treats the text of the New Testament as any ancient manuscript; they do not present it to be sacred or divine at all— neither in the text nor in the preface or the footnotes. The authors disdain Textus Receptus and its adherents. Sometimes, the method of transcription is put in a bad light by emphasizing the carelessness or the mistakes of the scribes. 

Sunday, August 13, 2023

Book Summary and Review: The Story of John G. Patton’s Thirty Years with South Sea Cannibals

 

Years ago, I heard my pastor mention John G. Patton about his willingness to be eaten by cannibals (p.28)[1] as he chose to be a missionary. I committed to myself that I would be reading about this man, but it was only 3 weeks ago that I started to search for his autobiography, after hearing from another pastor about John Patton’s suffering–the death of his wife and child within 4 months of his arrival (p.36).  

Patton, (a 34-year-old European, newly married, trained in medicine, literature, and divinity, grieving the loss of his family on the cannibal island of New Hebrides, and guarding their graves sleeplessly so that the cannibals will not eat their corpses,) made a strong impression on me to read about him. What is my lot in comparison to such a man of God? We do admire great people of God, but do we admire the hardships and trials they went through? If we pattern our characters after theirs, we must not be perplexed when trials come along our path. After all, we have so great a cloud of witnesses (Heb. 11:1-12:1) and autobiographies like this for us to imitate and endure joyfully.

I do not have enough money to buy whatever book I want, and I don’t need to if I can download a pdf version from the internet. After a week of Google search and research, it pleased my mind to read a pdf version of “The Story of John G. Patton’s Thirty Years with South Sea Cannibals,” Third Edition. It is an autobiographical work, but Edited by his younger brother James Patton, and Revised by his friend, A.K. Langridge.

The narrative is very lively, and it feels like reading a novel. It is also very engaging. Sometimes, Patton interacts with the readers directly or indirectly to convict his Christian readers (p.52, 148).

There are 40 short chapters in this 256-page book. The first 3 chapters are about his early days. Chapters 4-17 are about his first missionary base in Tanna. Chapters 18-21 are about his preparation to come back to the island. Chapter 22 onwards is the story of Aniwans. The Autobiography (writings in 1st person narrative) concluded by chapter 32. From chapter 33 onwards till chapter 40 is the work of editors. However, they contain a lot of narratives in the first person.

Langridge mentioned in the preface that this edition omitted the details of the Missionary’s worldwide travels in the interest of the New Hebrides Mission. John Gibson Patton was a Scottish Missionary to New Hebrides (now, known as Vanuatu, near Australia, South Pacific Ocean) sent by his home church at Dumfries, Reformed Presbyterian Church. He volunteered when nobody was willing to go there to be a missionary (p.27). His parents were supportive though with a heavy heart and he was commissioned at 33 years old.

Patton always wanted to be a missionary, and he scheduled his life waiting for the right moment. He studied Greek and Latin devoutly since before he was 12 (p.16). He refused promotion and even lost his job because he declined the 7-year contract; he was willing to work for 3 years and then become a missionary (p.18). He had a wonderful loving relationship with his dad (p.20). He employed himself as a schoolteacher (to raise money for his further studies) and became a teacher of the choice of parents and students, but he had to leave because the school Committee preferred a man who had more academic credentials (p.23). He considered his academic and ministerial training seriously. He distanced himself from worldliness (p.24, 124)

It took about a year for Patton to reach Tanna (his first mission centre), one of the many villages on the island, since he volunteered to go. Some missionaries had been killed and eaten by the cannibals since 1839 when the London Missionary Society began to reach out to them (p.29). Government servants had been establishing their colonial policy since before his arrival. The natives were afraid of the more developed European technology and life skills (p.48, 88). They were also covetous of the goods of Europeans – clothes, knives, guns, drinks, biscuits, education, etc. So, it was possible for the missionaries to contact them having those privileges and resources (p.140, 185).

Nevertheless, the traders, non-Christian normal European present there often treated them as violent animals, not as human beings, making the outreach to these heathens more challenging. Some of them were so cruel as to introduce deadly measles to wipe out their population so that White Europeans could colonize the land (p.73). It took the lives of 1/3rd of the population, and even the lives of the missionaries and their associates (p.74).

The natives were selfish, deceitful, revengeful, bloodthirsty, uncivilized, and violent (p.34, 38, 44). They would blame the missionaries for the drought, hurricane, sickness, misfortune, etc., on the land (p.37). They would surround the missionary now and then to kill them and eat them. They alleged that their gods were angry with them for allowing the missionaries to preach about another god, Jehovah.

Sometimes, some chiefs would defend Patton (p.42). Other times, the same chiefs who were friendly at some point in time became determined to kill him (p.92). However, they were cowards too, fearful of night and superstitions. Sometimes, they demanded Patton go away or stop his missionary activities, or be killed. They openly told him that they loved the goods of European but not the new religion.

“But again their assembly resolved that we should be killed. They declared their hate for the worship, because it made them afraid to continue their present courses, and argued that if I would give up visiting the villages and praying and talking with them, they would let me stay and trade with them, as they liked the traders but hated Missionaries! I told them that the hope of being able to teach them the worship of Jehovah alone kept me living amongst them and that I was there, not for gain or pleasure, but to lead them to know and serve the only true God.” (p.55)

They were also extremely cruel to their women:

"If we did not beat our women they would never work; they would not fear and obey us; but when we have beaten and killed and feasted on two or three, the rest are all very quiet and good for a long time to come!" (p.43)

Sometimes, some chiefs appealed to their people to become Christians and to give up wars, cruel practices, and superstitions (p.61). One day, Patton dared their sacred priest to kill him by witchcraft and mocked them like Elijah mocked the prophets of Baal. Realizing their inability to kill him by witchcraft, one of them tried to spear him to death but the people declared that Jehovah was a greater God. (p.67-68) Some people professed to be converted and attended the worship and endured mockery and persecution (p.79).

After the outbreak of measles, situations had become uncontrollable. They started killing missionaries and were planning to kill them all. Now, they had realized that the Government officers weren’t punishing them for killing the missionaries (p.83). There were constant threats and attempts to kill secretly and openly, sometimes in groups or individually. Several times, Patton and the people would see the intervention of God in restraining them or confusing them (p.97, 111).

The time came for Patton to leave Tanna as they kept hunting him. He had been there for about 4 years, learning their language, teaching them the alphabet, and working on translating the Bible into their language (p.114). He had been a social reformer, doctor, preacher, teacher, and even a mediator to conflicting parties. He went to Australia and beyond to raise money to build a missionary ship to transport missionaries and goods to the island. He succeeded in coming back (accompanied by his second wife), but he had to base his station in Aniwa (15 miles distant from Tanna) according to the direction of the Synod (p.131).

Patton lost his wife and baby boy in Tanna 4 years ago, in his first 4 months as a missionary there. He writes: “and with ceaseless prayers and tears I claimed that land for God in which I had "buried my dead" with faith and hope. . . It was very difficult to be resigned, left alone, and in such sorrowful circumstances; but feeling Immovably assured that my God and Father was too wise and loving to err in anything that He does or permits, I looked up to the Lord for help, and struggled on in His work.” (p.36-37).

The mission in Aniwa was a successful one. Although the Aniwans were selfish and wanted Patton and his teams to die off quickly, yet they survived and become their eternal friends later (p.134). Having a wife as a missionary partner proved fruitful and easier for the cause of the mission (p.182). Mrs. Patton was a huge influence. She taught the Aniwan women hymns (p.171). The mission centre adopted orphans, and this transformed even the most hostile family (p.144,). The orphans would in turn warn the missionaries of the evil plots of their parents, and thus they were saved.

I like the gospel-centred principle of Patton and his only trust in the work of the Holy Spirit for conversion (p.88). At one point in time, Patton decided to sift his attendees:  

“When we stopped the feast at the close, which the Aneityumese teacher had been forced to prepare before our coming, and for which they were always ready, the audiences at first went down to two or three l but these actually came to learn, and a better tone began immediately to pervade the service. We informed them that it was for their good that we taught them, and that they would get no "pay" for attending church or school, and the greater number departed in high dudgeon as very ill-used persons!” (p.144)

The story of Nelwang’s elopement (chapter 24) is thrilling and his conversion is pleasing to read about. Chapter 25 presents Patton as the Moses of Aniwans who brought out water from the thirsty land. I enjoyed reading about the tactics the natives used to persuade Patton to stop his “madness.”

The old chief and his best men now came around me more earnestly than ever. He remonstrated with me very gravely. He assured me for the fiftieth time that rain would never be seen coming up through the earth on Aniwa! "Now," said he, "had you been in that hole last night, you would have been buried, and a man-of-war would have come from Queen 'Toria to ask for the Missi that lived here. We would have to say, 'He is down in that hole.' The captain would ask, ' Who killed him and put him down there? ' We would have to say, ' He went down there himself!' The captain would answer, 'Nonsense! Who ever heard of a white man going down into the earth to bury himself? You killed him, you put him there; don't hide your bad conduct with lies!' Then he would bring out his big guns and shoot us and destroy our island in revenge. You are making your own grave, Missi, and you will make ours too. Give up this mad freak, for no rain will be found by going downwards on Aniwa. Besides, all your fishhooks cannot tempt my men again to enter that hole J they don't want to be buried with you. Will you not give it up now! " (p.159)

The sinking (digging) of the Well seemed to have a strong effect on the Aniwans. They never knew about the concept of underground water. It was a miracle for them, “the world is turned upside down” (p165). They tried to sink well for themselves 7 times but were unsuccessful, and they confessed: "Missi not only used pick and spade, but he prayed and cried to his God. We have learned to dig, but not how to pray, and therefore Jehovah will not give us the rain from below!" (p.164). The first convert who happened to be also the chief of the natives, Mr. Namakei, now, was excited to be a preacher of the new religion, and he preached powerfully, and the people gave up idolatry (p.164).

          There were social transformation and spiritual disciplines in the lives of the people: The practice of prayer before meals, the practice of family worship in the morning and evening, and the observance of the Sabbath.

Necessarily these were the conspicuous features of our life as Christians in their midst-morning and evening Family Prayer and Grace at Meat; and hence, most naturally, their instinctive adoption and imitation of the same as the first outward tokens of Christian discipline. Every house in which there was not Prayer to God in the family was known thereby to be heathen. This was a direct and practical evidence of the New Religion; and, so far as it goes (and that is very far, indeed, where there is any sincerity beneath it), the test was one about which there could be no mistake on either side (p.167).

One boat's crew refused to work on the Sabbath, and gave as their reason that God's Book forbids work on the Sabbath. "We fear God," they said, "and will not work for you on the Lord's Day." They were told that if they refused to work like others on board they would get no food. The answer came quickly, "We can live without food for a day, and we will not work." (p.227)

Chapter 26 contains the story of the translation of the Bible into their language and the building of their church. Chapter 27 contains the story about the conversion of Chief Youwili, and also the baptism of converts after careful examinations. By now, Patton was sure the natives were greatly fond of and loved him. He would often threaten them of leaving when they misbehaved (p.177). Patton recorded generously about the new social order of the lands and the activities on Sunday in this chapter. Soon, they became preachers, evangelists, and missionaries to the other parts of the island.

In heathendom every true convert becomes at once a Missionary. The changed life, shining out amid the surrounding darkness, is a Gospel in largest capitals which all can read. Our Islanders, especially, having little to engage or otherwise distract attention, become intense and devoted workers for the Lord Jesus, if once the Divine Passion for souls stirs within them (p190).

Chapter 29 records the eloquent preaching of Naswai and the insolent mockery of Nerwa and his conversion. Chapter 30 records the torture of Mungaw and his irrational behaviours aftermath. It also has an interesting story about Lamu, the rejected candidate for baptism. In the last two chapters of his autobiography (chps. 31-32), Patton records his trip outside the island and his return to the island. In the following chapters, the editor records Patton’s desire to stop the slave trade even meeting with US Presidents.

Patton’s mission was successful:

“In our absence the native teachers have worked faithfully. Every child above infancy can read the New Testament fluently. We gave out the new hymnbook (of 153 hymns) and the new Catechism, which I had translated and got printed and bound in Melbourne.” (p.239)

“"It was," he said, "a feast of real joy to see that my long-cherished prayer may yet be fulfilled-' the New Hebrides with its every island, tribe, and native for Jesus and His Glory.' We now occupy twenty-five of its thirty islands, and have 17,000 natives avowedly serving Jesus as their God and Saviour; of these 330 are consecrated to the work as teachers and evangelists” (p.243).

Patton went out of Aniwa for medical treatment of his wife. She died and he wasn’t allowed to go back to Aniwa again because of his failing health. He died peacefully in the Lord in 1907 (p.252-253).

This book is accurately titled “The Story of John G. Patton’s Thirty Years with South Sea Cannibals” because it’s more the story of Patton in Hew Hebrides than his autobiography. I would like to know more about his wife, his family, and his relationship with them, which I couldn’t get here. His theological beliefs, reflections, and struggles aren’t recorded much, but his belief in the sovereignty of God over salvation, suffering, sinners, and all situations is clearly portrayed by what he went through. This book is so focused on the mission at New Hebrides, it serves as a great book for missionaries. However, one would need to refer to other sources to know more about him to imitate his faithful life – his doctrines. I started reading with an expectation to know who John Patton was, and I ended up learning more about what John Patton did. And frankly, I would like to know the person also, perhaps more than his works because it’s the who that produces works, though our world would like to claim to know a person by what he does. So, that’s me and my take.



[1] Page number is as appeared in the original book. The pdf version has 268 pages, but the original book has 256 pages with extra pages for 8 illustrations.

Wednesday, August 09, 2023

Book Review: Autobiography of George Muller

Whenever I hear or see the name of George Muller, I think of him as a man of faith, a man of prayer, and a man who trusted God to provide his daily needs. Recently, I have been thinking about these things, and last week, I decided to read about George Muller to find out what I may imitate from his godly characters (Hebrews 13:7). I prefer reading an autobiography over a biography when it comes to people like him, and George Muller has one, to my delight.

I downloaded a pdf version of his autobiography compiled by G. Fred Bergin made available by Monergism Books. It is 1051 pages long. I am not sure whether this pdf version is authentic, reliable, and citable or not. It has no footnotes, no bibliography, and it doesn’t look like a proper book that one can make any citation. I chose to read it anyway because I was looking for my edification, and not for an academic purpose.

It has 21 chapters, Preface, Introduction, and an Appendix. The first 3 chapters look like an autobiography, and the following chapters look like a compilation of Journal entries. The compiler mentioned at the start of chapter 14 (p.604) that chapters 1-7 are the personal history of George Muller in his early days and resumed the personal narrative in this chapter. Chapter 17 is about his preaching tours. He had 17 tours in 17 years travelling about 2,00,000 miles with his second wife (p.811, 998). Chapter 20 is about the death of his wife and his death. Chapter 21 is written by Arthur T. Pierson after the death of George Muller. The chapters and accounts are arranged chronologically.

It contains some sermons, expositions (chp.8), and reflections. It also has several letters from donors (p.427, 481, 534, 588, 876, 916, 973, 978, 982), orphans (p.951, 965), and even his correspondences (around 3000 correspondences a year – p.385; 547) to some of them. Sometimes, he would give reasons and defenses for why he did what he did. It must also be mentioned that the often-repeated story of George Mueller concerning a baker and milkman who happened to feed the orphans when they had nothing to eat, just after he had offered thanks to the Lord, is not found in this 1051-page long book.

On p.117, Muller writes about 1 Peter 3:1, illustrating a woman who humbles her husband with her humble submission. On p.410, he retells the story of Mr. Cobb whose worth wants to be below 50,000 dollars. On p.466-468, he writes about a poor widow who offered £85 and how he tried hard to dissuade her.

On p.77, he writes about sermon preparation, which btw, I would never recommend. He went to some meeting without a text, waiting for the Holy Spirit to impress upon his mind.

In many pages of this book is seen that Muller doesn’t want to influence people to give more by telling his needs or how they meet his needs; he wants people to give freely, willingly, and thoughtfully (p.85).

His prayers weren’t answered immediately every time he prayed, he had frustrating moments too (p.86, 142, 292, 374, 376, 418, 428-429, 555, 751, 853, 939, 1016).

While I was reading this pdf version of this book, I made over 150 annotations, and I would like to republish some sections or lines.

Concerning Preaching:

October 1st, 1832. A meeting for enquirers this afternoon from two to five. Many more are convinced of sin through brother Craik's preaching than my own. This circumstance led me to enquire into the reasons, which are probably these: — (1) That brother Craik is more spiritually minded than I am. (2) That he prays more earnestly for the conversion of sinners than I do. (3) That he more frequently addresses sinners, as such, in his public ministrations than I do. — This led me to more frequent and earnest prayer for the conversion of sinners, and to address them more frequently as such. The latter had never been intentionally left undone, but it had not been so frequently brought to my mind as to that of brother Craik. Since then, the cases in which it has pleased the Lord to use me as an instrument of conversion have been quite as many as those in which brother Craik has been used. May the Lord be pleased to use this as a means to lead any of His servants, who may not have acted according to these two last points, to seek to do so, and may He graciously enable me to do so more abundantly. (p.102)

Effects of exposure to profane conversations:

April 9, 1835: In the evening we reached Brunswick, from whence we started the same night. During the night I heard a fearfully wicked, most profligate, infidel, and scoffing conversation between the conductor and a student, and the only testimony I gave was, complete silence all the time. I arrived here this morning at eight, and have been here all the morning, as the mail will not start for Hamburg until four this afternoon. It has been far from well with me in my soul today. That awful conversation last night has been spiritual poison to me. How very soon do we, even unconsciously, receive evil! (p.124)

Knowing vs Feeling Concerning Forgiveness of Sins:

I myself have now been a believer for more than nineteen years (i.e. in the year 1845). How long it is, since I have had no doubt whatever about the forgiveness of my sins, I cannot tell with certainty; but of this I am quite sure, that ever since I have been in England, which is now about sixteen years (in 1845), I have never once had a single moment's doubt that my sins are all forgiven; and yet I do not remember that I ever once have felt that they were forgiven. To know that they are forgiven, and to feel that they are forgiven, are two different things—The way to settle whether our sins are forgiven, is, to refer to the Word of God alone with reference to it. (p.226)

How to be constantly happy in the Lord: (Spring, 1841)

While I was staying at Nailsworth. it pleased the Lord to teach me a truth, irrespective of human instrumentality, as far as I know, the benefit of which I have not lost, though now, while preparing the eighth edition for the press, more than forty years have since passed away. The point is this: I saw more clearly than ever, that the first great and primary business to which I ought to attend every day was, to have my soul happy in the Lord. The first thing to be concerned about was not, how much I might serve the Lord, how I might glorify the Lord; but how I might get my soul into a happy state, and how my inner man might be nourished. For I might seek to set the truth before the unconverted, I might seek to benefit believers, I might seek to relieve the distressed, I might in other ways seek to behave myself as it becomes a child of God in this world; and yet, not being happy in the Lord, and not being nourished and strengthened in my inner man day by day, all this might not be attended to in a right spirit. Before this time my practice had been, at least for ten years previously, as an habitual thing, to give myself to prayer, after having dressed in the morning. (p.230)

It often now astonishes mo that I did not sooner see this. In no book did I ever read about it. No public ministry ever brought the matter before me. No private intercourse with a brother stirred me up to this matter. And yet now, since God has taught me this point, it is as plain to me as anything, that the first thing the child of God has to do morning by morning is to obtain food for his inner man. As the outward man is not fit for work for any length of time, except we take food, and as this is one of the first things we do in the morning, so it should be with the inner man. We should take food for that, as every one must allow. Now what is the food for the inner man? Not prayer, but the Word of God; and here again not the simple reading of the Word of God, so that it only passes through our minds, just as water runs through a pipe, but considering what we read, pondering over it, and applying it to our hearts. (p.232)

Concerning Orphan Work and His Life:

But there is one point which weighs more strongly with me than even the last mentioned one. It is this. When I began the Orphan work more than fifteen years ago, it was for the definite and especial purpose, that, by means of it, the unconverted might see, through the answers of prayer that I received in connection with it, that there is verily reality in the things of God; and that the children of God might have their faith strengthened by means of it, and be encouraged in all simplicity to deal with God under every circumstance, and trust in Him at all times. (p.392)

Concerning Presumption, Plan, and Prayer in Life:

Pause, esteemed reader! Nearly seven years had I been, day by day, asking the Lord for the needed means, to carry out the desire of my heart, concerning the thousand Orphans. Not a single day had elapsed since first I began to pray for means, in which I had not been enabled, in the full assurance of faith that it would be granted, to bring my request before God, and generally I had prayed more than once a day concerning this matter. When I began my request for means, viz. to entreat the Lord to give me £35,000, I knew well what difficulty there was in the way of my obtaining this sum, looking at it naturally. I am too calm, too calculating a person, too much in the habit of weighing all the difficulties of a case, to be carried away by excitement or imagination. I knew I had no ground naturally to expect this large sum. For months, therefore, I had not prayed at all for means for this enlargement, but had only asked the Lord to show me very clearly whether it was His will that I should go forward; but, having once come fully to this conclusion, on the grounds stated, I was as certain that the Lord would give me all I needed, as if I had had the money already in hand. (p414)

Funeral Sermon Outline: (p.622)

I. The Lord was good, and did good, in giving her to me.

II. He was good, and did good in so long leaving her to me.

III. He was good, and did good, in taking her from me.

Concerning the suffering of his wife:

Now that very ring, which at the wedding on October 7th, 1830, I had put on her finger, needed to be broken off. Her arm and hand became worse, and continued thus week after week. That room, in which I had been in the habit of paying those happy visits to my beloved wife after dinner and at other times, was now, week after week, for a long time without her. But this was the state of my heart at that time. When this most heavy affliction began, I said to myself, Twenty-nine years the Lord has given me this precious wife with comparatively little illness, and shall I now be dissatisfied, because He has been pleased to afflict her thus, in the thirtieth year of our conjugal union? Nay, it becomes me rather to be very grateful for having had her so long in comparatively good health, and fully to submit myself to the will of the Lord. (p.632)

By the grace of God I am not merely perfectly satisfied with this dispensation, but I kiss the hand which administered the stroke, and I look again for the fulfilment of that word in this instance, that "All things work together for good to them that love God" (Rom. 8:28). (p.997)

His Giving:

In 1844 my income was £207 6s. 9d., of which we gave away £100. In 1845 my income was £433 19s. 1¾d. Do you see, dear reader, how the Lord was pleased to repay the £100, given away in the year 1844? We saw it. We knew that word, and believed it. "There is that scattereth, and yet increaseth; and there is that withholdeth more than is meet, but it tendeth to poverty" (Prov. 11:24). And, therefore, it was our joy and delight yet further to act according to this word, and we gave away, during that year, £220; not indeed for the purpose of obtaining more for it, but to glorify God with the means with which He had been pleased to entrust us, whilst, however, we knew at the same time that He would abundantly repay. (p.652)

I beg the reader to remember, that I had not a single fee, nor any emolument whatever in connection with my pastoral position. I had no fees for burials, baptisms, marriages, or anything else. My aim never was, how much I could obtain, but rather, how much could I give. (p.653)

In 1856 my income was £781 0s. 7d., and we had now the joy and privilege of being able to give away £500 during that year. In 1857 my income was £836 11s. 2¼d., and we gave away that year £566. (p.654)

The reader of the previous pages would be mistaken, if he supposed that, as soon as the Lord has sent me means, my aim is, to seek to get rid of them as fast as possible, as if it were a crime to possess a ten-pound note. That is not at all my way of acting. All I seek after is, to have grace, not to hold anything as my own, but as belonging to the Lord; so that, whether I have much or little, I desire to look on the much or the little as a steward would, and not as an owner. I seek, therefore, for grace, to be willing, to give of that which the Lord has given to me, a part, or, if He would bid me, all. (p.660)

From what has been stated before, it will be seen that during the forty-three years and five months from January 1st, 1831, to May 26th, 1874, the total of my income was £37,523 3s. 6¾d., of which, however, more than £26,000 came in during the last sixteen years only. The total amount which, by God's grace, I was enabled to give away, during these forty-three years and five months, is £27,179 0s. 8d. Of this amount, however, more than £21,700 was given away within the last sixteen years only. Of the £27,179 0s. 8d., which we gave away from January 1st, 1831, to May 26th, 1874, £22,000 was given to the Lord's work. The remaining £5,179 0s. 8d. was given to poor believers, or to poor unbelievers, or to relatives who might be in need. (p.660)

One of my favourite lines in this book:

I have no doubt that most of the Christian readers will say, This is a blessed way! It is delightful to be allowed to give away so much! How I should like to be able to do the same. My reply is, Yes, it is a blessed way! It is delightful to be allowed to give away so much. Will you not then try this way for yourself? Give, as God prospers you. Begin with little, if you have not faith enough to begin with much; only give that little, constrained by the love of Christ, heartily, faithfully, steadily. (p.661)

 

On p.342-343, Muller appeals to the readers to consider his Narrative solemnly looking for the hands of God in His dealing with him. I began to read this book hoping to confirm that George Muller was a man of faith, a man of prayer, a man who trust in the providence of God for his daily needs, and I found him to be so. Furthermore, he was a compassionate guy who built and managed Orphan Homes to keep them away from jail (p.383, 391), a passionate preacher, and a great giver who treasured his wealth not in a bank or saving box but in heaven. He was a man of God, but an ordinary guy every day, who prayed to the extraordinary God every day.